Thursday, March 11, 2010

Gorelick's Wall and High Rise Cluster Bomb

Synopsis: Belief DoJ insiders Jamie Gorelick built wall to disrupt CIA/FBI investigations into Francophonie remotely-controlled "high rise" cluster bombs embedded in Boeing aircraft & Otis elevators.
Open text of e-mail sent July 9, 2007:
Representative Duncan Hunter, 52nd District of California bre@... 
From: Captain Field McConnell and David Hawkins
Forensic Economists at Hawks' CAFE
Copies to file:
Civil Case 3:07-cv-24  "McConnell v. Boeing and ALPA"
Civil Case 3:07-cv-49  "Hawks CAFE v. Global Guardians"
Clerk's Office, Federal District Court of North Dakota
655 1st Ave. North, Suite 130, Fargo ND 58102
Copies for reference:
Michael Badnarik, 'Lighting the Fires of Liberty' scholar@...

Representative Ron Paul, 14th. District of Texas, 
Canadian Prime Minister, Stephen Harper pm@...
U.S. Vice-President Richard Cheney 
Dear Representative Hunter:
Re: Gorelick's Wall and High Rise Cluster Bombs
Hawks CAFE believes Department of Justice insiders Jamie Gorelick and Janet Reno, built an intelligence wall to disrupt CIA and FBI investigations into the development by La Francophonie member states of remotely-controlled "high rise" cluster bombs embedded in droned Boeing aircraft or Otis elevators for war games such as 'Global Guardian 9/11'.
"When the Department of Justice began interviewing "Norris"/Ressam [Y2K bomber], they didn't have a clue who he was. But Judge Bruguière did. He called the Department of Justice, and offered prosecutors his file on Ressam and his ties to al Qaeda. At the time, Bruguiere said, DOJ had no idea what a big catch they had, nor did DOJ have access to any intelligence about [Montreal Al-Qaeda cell leader] Ressam's ties to al-Qaeda. Ultimately, because of "The Wall" Bruguiere had to testify for seven hours in Seattle to lay out the al Qaeda connection to help U.S. prosecutors make their case against Ressam. In other words, the "wall of separation" constructed by Jamie Gorelick made it virtually impossible for U.S. authorities to stop Ahmed Rassam, the "Millenium Bomber," by design or intention."
"[9/11] Commission .. first denied knowing about elite military unit known Able Danger .. left out of 9/11 report .. Gorelick .. warned way back then — when the see-no-evil wall was created .. Manhattan U.S. Attorney Mary Jo White, who headed up key terror probes like prosecutions for the first World Trade Center bombing in 1993 ..  "It is hard to be totally comfortable with instructions to the FBI prohibiting contact with the United States Attorney's Offices when such prohibitions are not legally required," White wrote on June 13, 1995 .. warned Reno-Gorelick wall hindered law enforcement and could cost lives .. 9/11 Commission got White memo — but omitted any mention of it from its much-publicized report."
We have more information in the referenced lawsuit, "Hawks CAFE v. Global Guardians". 
Please contact us as below if you would like to hear more of the "telltale indicators" that suggest the US Department of Justice under Janet Reno and Jamie Gorelick had an enabling role in the development of the "high-rise" cluster bombs used on 9/11.
Yours sincerely,

Field McConnell, Tel: 218 329 2993
28 year airline and 22 year military pilot,
23,000 hours of safety
David Hawkins Tel: 604 542-0891
Notes: "Gorelick's Wall and the High Rise Cluster Bomb"
"When Jamie Gorelick left her position as Vice-Chairman of the Federal National Mortgage Association to devote more time to the bipartisan National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, more routinely known as the 9-11 commission, I was the first to protest. I knew the role she had played as President Clinton's Deputy Attorney General in shaping – some would say ''corrupting'' – the outcome of the TWA Flight 800 investigation. In 1994, Gorelick assumed the Deputy position after Clinton crony Webster Hubbell resigned in disgrace. Gorelick was much brighter and more nimble than Hubbell and kept a lower profile. Like him, however, she served as the ''political officer'' in the 100,000 employee department, the eyes and ears of the administration, the one who could be trusted. An article in the June 3, 1996, Newsweek, six weeks before the crash of TWA Flight 800, described, for instance, how Gorelick had set up a ''campaign-like war room'' in her office because ''in a campaign year, Justice can't afford to be totally blind.'' On Aug. 22, 1996, five weeks after the plane's demise, Jim Kallstrom, who headed up the FBI investigation into TWA 800, was summoned to Washington to be served up a dose of survival reality. His boss, Louis Freeh, had little to do with the summons or the investigation. Nor did Freeh's boss, Attorney General Janet Reno. Although both were ineffectual, neither was entirely reliable. The task of reining in Jim Kallstrom would fall to Gorelick. At this juncture in the investigation, even if Gorelick knew no more than what she read in The New York Times, she would have known that explosive residue had been found all over the plane and that the possibility of a mechanical failure was more ''remote'' than ever. Kallstrom, however, knew more – much more. For one, he knew that traces of PETN and RDX on the plane had been confirmed by the D.C. lab. For another, he knew what the witnesses saw. Tellingly, the FBI had performed its last interview two days before the meeting. The eyewitness accounts now numbered more than 700. At least 270 of these were so specific, so consistent and so credible they could not be ignored. Defense Department missile analysts had debriefed some 34 of the witnesses. There were also scores of witness drawings, some so accurate and vivid they could chill the blood .. Although Newsday puts Janet Reno in the meeting with Kallstrom that day, Milton does not. The only Justice Department official she mentions by name is Jamie Gorelick. To be sure, no account of the meeting provides any more than routine detail, but behaviors begin to change immediately afterwards, especially after the New York Times broke a headline story the next day, top right – ''Prime Evidence Found That Device Exploded in Cabin of Flight 800.'' .. The one part of Milton's story that squares with the logic of that time and place is Kallstrom's efforts to kill the story. Whatever he had learned in the meeting on Aug. 22 made him regret the article to come. And if the meeting didn't entirely break his will, it surely dimmed his enthusiasm for finding the truth. Aug. 23 represented something of a turning point in the investigation. It was on this day the FAA began to inquire whether any dog-training exercises had ever taken place on the plane that would become TWA 800. The FAA had never kept systematic records of such exercises. Further, from that day forward there would be no more eyewitness interviews done by the FBI, at least not for the next two months, and only a handful after that – and all of them for the wrong reasons. On Aug. 23, as CNN reported, Kallstrom was now saying for the first time that ''it was possible that the PETN could have been brought on the plane by a passenger and was not part of a bomb.'' CNN adds an interesting detail: He was ''reading a prepared statement.''On Aug. 25, the day before the start of the Democratic convention, Kallstrom continued to spin the story away from terrorism. The aircraft, Kallstrom said, had been used as a military charter during the Gulf War five years earlier. Maybe a ''passenger'' did have some residue on his person. Yet, in checking with TWA and the U.S. Air Mobility Command at Scott Air Force Base, Ill., CNN learned the plane had been completely refurbished after its last use by the troops, making this scenario much less likely .. The implication was clear: If the FBI had not ruled out a missile, the White House had. The president, however, could live with a "bomb" and maybe even score a few political points off of it. Thanks to Colonel Robert Patterson's book ''Dereliction of Duty,'' we do know that the White House was deeply concerned with air terrorism that summer. Patterson carried the ''nuclear football'' for the president and as such had almost total access. One morning, which Patterson identifies only as ''late-summer'' 1996, he was returning a daily intelligence update to the NSC when he noticed the heading ''Operation Bojinka.'' As Patterson relates, ''I keyed on a reference to a plot to use commercial airliners as weapons.'' As a pilot he had a keen interest in the same. Obviously, after September 11, the idea of using airplanes as flying bombs to attack American targets no longer seems far-fetched. In the way of omen, Islamic terrorist Ramzi Yousef was on trial in New York on the day of July 17, 1996, for his role in Bojinka. To be sure, Patterson makes no connection between Bojinka and TWA Flight 800. He was not in a position to. Although he was in the White House on the night of July 17, he was not in the loop between the situation room and the ''residence'' where the president had holed up. What Patterson did learn from seeing the president's hand-annotated response to this intelligence report on Bojinka is that Clinton had read it carefully. ''I can state for a fact that this information was circulated within the U.S. intelligence community,'' Patterson writes, ''and that in late 1996 the president was aware of it.'' That Clinton was reviewing this information in the immediate aftermath of TWA Flight 800's demise suggests more than mere coincidence. The Philippine police had given this information to the FBI eighteen months prior. The search for ''prior knowledge'' was at the heart of the 9-11 commission, and no one on the commission was in a better position to shed light on this issue than Jamie Gorelick. She could have begun by sharing the contents of her meeting with Jim Kallstrom on August 22, 1996. She obviously did not, which suggests she was appointed to the 9-11 commission to make sure that no one else did either."

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